The consequences of the new international economic order on developing countries Plattsburgh, 30/08-02/09 Maria Negreponti-Delivanis


The consequences of the new international economic order on developing countries
Plattsburgh, 30/08-02/09
 
Maria Negreponti-Delivanis

                                       
Introduction

 The 21st century brings great upheavals upon the world in all its theoretical, geopolitical, economic, social and institutional manifestations. Numerous indications testify to the total overthrow of the balance of power on all levels of the international order as imposed immediately after the end of the Second World War, and preserved almost to this day. The Western world, along with all the individual elements that have established its global dominance, is now receding and another culture, with completely different characteristics is rising,.

The West had, in principle, ruled out this change  in the world power balance, since it had adopted (with little criticism) the absolute views of Francis Fukuyama (1989). The well-known philosopher asserted that liberal democracy had prevailed forever, and that following the dissolution of actual socialism, the whole world would be obliged to embrace it. He also asserted that the development of less advanced economies would be impossible under any system other than liberal democracy. However, he was soon forced to allow serious doubts into his unfounded,  as it turned out, beliefs (Francis Fukuyama, 2018), as there could be no doubt that China was completing its very successful and surprisingly rapid development under an authoritarian regime and not one of liberal democracy. At the same time, new forms of development are opening up for developing economies.

The invasion of China in the formerly unperturbed world prevalence of the West, through the United States is, in principle, the result of Spengler's civilization life cycle theory. The life cycle of civilizations was compared by Oswald Spengler, who predicted the end of Western civilization as early as 1918, to the four seasons of the year or to the phases of human life. "The Western man, according to Oswald Spengler, is always a proud but tragic individual because, while spending his life struggling and creating, he is ultimately aware that his goal will never be realized".

It is, therefore, generally accepted that the end of civilizations, each of which lasts around 200-250 years, is unavoidable and therefore, in principle independent of a particular constitution, a prevailing worldview or individual acts or omissions. Thus, out of the ashes of the Ancient Greek civilization the Western culture was born, with the emergence of the dominant economic centers of Australia, Great Britain, and the United States from 1860 onwards. However, besides the inevitability of the rotation of civilizations, it could be argued that the adoption of extremes during their prevalence, further accelerates their end. The fissures caused by these extremes intensify towards the end of each civilization's life cycle, towards the winter of its existence, according to Oswald Spengler, acquiring repulsive and dangerous features. I would argue that the end of the western dominance was probably accelerated by the very negative effects of globalization, which, as generally acknowledged, has generated on its way  few winners and piles of losers, leading to unprecedented tensions and inequality of distribution. The decline of our own culture revived the old and forgotten theory of Alvin Hansen (1938), recently updated by economist Lawrence Summers (2016) and a group of his followers. More than 80 years ago, this theory concluded that, according to numerous indications, advanced economies were inevitably entering the stage of perpetual stagnation. Alvin Hansen's definition of this stage of economic maturity of capitalism is as follows: "the anemic recovery that disappears in its initial stages, as well as the recessions that are self-supporting leaving behind a core of underemployment." The West, with the possible temporary and superficial exception of the US (1), corroborates almost all of the unfavorable predictions of this theory, as western civilization is gradually losing its glory in recent decades, no longer attracting and on the contrary, being abandoned by more and more of its followers. The chronic and seemingly incurable weakness of the West consists of overabundant savings not channeled into investment, thus perpetuating the imbalance of savings greater than investment. At the same time, interest rates and inflation are below the level required for achieving general economic and monetary equilibrium.

This article focuses on the interconnections that arise between the decline of the West and the development of the least developed economies. Western retreat brings to the fore emerging and developing economies preparing to occupy the void of world leadership and, placing China at the forefront. China, is obviously ahead, but not alone on the way to the top of the world. Instead, it is flanked by many emerging economies. This finding is extremely important and will be further analyzed in Part II of this article as according to all indications, it seems to be the promise for the development of less developed economies.

The rotation of global power which is already marginalizing the West, is caused and causing sweeping changes on the international economic scene. Most of the changes, to be analyzed in Part I, have probably accelerated the end of Western sovereignty, and some of them represent the takeoff point of some emerging economies. The consequences of these changes in the developmental dynamics of emerging and then less advanced economies will be explored in Part II. The interdependencies and processes of these changes have changed the world's economic map and created founded growth hopes for developing countries.

Part I. The end of the economic sovereignty of the West

There is an inexhaustible number of catalytic developments in the internal and external environment of modern economies that radically altered their mode of operation and is not limited to the economic sphere but extends to many others. It is, however, wrong to see these developments as independent, since they are mostly interrelated, and it is easy to see the existence of causal relationships among them. It is with no hesitation that I will choose globalization as the catalytic change, which gradually caused most of the rest. An extreme form of globalization, which has destroyed the smooth functioning of advanced economies, but at the same time has been the engine of progress for some emerging and developing economies, China coming first. Thus, it is not surprising that around 65% of Europeans and 71% of Americans are already opposed to globalization. Globalization was imposed as the new worldview of the 70s, although it was not new. On the contrary, there is a rotation between the two systems of globalization and protectionism, in a cycle that lasts approximately 80 years (Lenglet). This system, which is responsible for many of the woes of the West, was chosen by the US in the 1980s, when the latter started nervously witnessing a drop in its rate of growth, a loss of productivity compared to Germany and Japan, a reduction in the propensity for investment and phenomena of premature de-industrialization. The irony is that it is again the United States under Donald Trump choosing to abandon globalization, thus limiting the degree of freedom of international trade.

A. Time for the developing economies

The ground for the succession of the West by China and the developing countries accompanying her later on, was set by a series of population shifts that marginalized the population of advanced economies to the benefit of the emerging ones. I think it is necessary to take a look at these changes before moving on to the main developments, since they have a decisive effect on almost all economic aggregates in advanced as well as developing economies.

The world population is expected to grow from 7.3 billion today to 8 billion in 2030, to 9 billion in 2050 and 11.2 billion in 2100. This increase, by about 50% of the world's population by 2100, will be unevenly distributed as Europe and eastern Asia will witness a decline in their population, while an increase is expected for the US. Developing economies are expected to witness a significant population growth of around four billion. Thus, the proportion of the US and EU population in the total world population in 2025 will not exceed 9%, while in 2016 the Asian population is estimated to be already 50% respectively. The West is thus marginalized within the world population.

 The most important and threatening prediction for the advanced economies however, is that their population will grow older. Based on the UN's median forecasts, the number of people over 65 will increase by more than 600 million and will reach 2.5 billion in 2100, almost doubling compared to today. Relative research concerning the OECD economies results in the non surprising conclusion that the aging of their population will have negative consequences on growth (Bloom, E. David). In fact,  empirical surveys referring to American states for the period 1980-2010 show that, when the proportion of the population over 60 years increases by 10%, growth per capita is reduced by 5.5% (Maestas. Mullen et al).


B. Western mistakes favor developing economies

Apart from these demographic changes, the weakening of the West, which has paved the way for developing economies to rise on the world scene, there are also the unfavorable consequences of globalization. These can be distinguished into economic and other consequences.

a)     Economic consequences
aa) Peaking inequalities in income and wealth distribution (Maria Negreponti-Delivani, 2018)
 The adoption of globalization, which is the final stage of capitalism, was since the beginning combined with an extreme form of neoliberalism. The worst consequence of globalization is undoubtedly the peaking inequality of distribution on all levels, which has intensified also because individual neoliberal governments have been reluctant to intervene on the grounds that disparities supposedly favor growth and progress (Negreponti- Delivanis, 2019). Let me indicatively mention some unacceptably high inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth. These multifaceted and enormous distributional inequalities are certainly at the root of shocking changes in modern economies.

* Let me start with the Gini index, which measures personal distribution globally and has for the first time in history reached 0.70, which means unprecedented inequality that no country has ever witnessed in the past. Indeed, 1% of the wealthiest Americans were earning around 10% of GDP in 1915, while in 2007 this figure was 24%. Regarding the distribution of wealth, the evolution of inequalities is even more relentless, since in the same period (1915-2007), the wealthiest 0.1% of households, climbed from representing 9% of wealth, to 22%. In addition, according to a recent study, 1% of adult citizens in America had an income of 27 times higher on average, than the equivalent 50% of the poorest adult Americans, in 1915. This difference has already risen to 81 times.

* Let me continue with the functional distribution, ie with the share of labor and capital in national income, as measured by the Cobb-Douglas function. These shares remained unchanged until the 1980s, that is until the establishment of globalization and the developments following it. In 2010, the OECD collected a series of macroeconomic data for its 15 Member States for the period 1976-2006, showing that, from 1976 to 2006, the share of wages, including indirect or social wages, represented 67.3% (2) of GDP in 1980, which roughly corresponds to the advent of globalization, dropping by 10 percentage points in 2006, to representing 57.3% of GDP (3). In addition, according to IMF estimates (4), the share of wages in the G7 member countries fell by 5.8 percentage points over the period 1983-2006, and in particular by 8.8 points in the EU member states (5) ). This reduction, estimated at 100 and $200 trillion, has been virtually deducted from consumption, and to a considerable extent from investment as well (Rocard a). This decline partly explains the slow economic growth of the West.

* It gets worse with each generation
A survey conducted in America (Guvenen, Kaplan and als) (8) reveals many  unacceptable aspects of the distribution pattern, which fully justify the dissatisfaction of the majority. Some of the survey’s findings are as follows:
-In 1973, full-time income (adjusted for inflation) amounted to $54,030, compared to just $51,640 in 2016.
-In 1967 the average salary (adjusted for inflation) of a 25-year-old man was $33,300, compared to just $25,000 in 2011.
- Wage levels in the US were 10% lower for the years 2000-2017, compared to the previous half-century (A boom).
-The general conclusion is that since 1970, three-quarters of American workers have not improved their standard of living. For 4 out of 5 employees, there has been no real progress. The fruits of progress were reaped by 1% of the wealthiest Americans.

bb) Labor under persecution
According to estimates, between 1999 and 2007 worldwide, labor productivity increased by 30%, while real wages by only 18% (Artus and Virard). This sharp drop of the share of labor in favor of profits, in the GDP of advanced economies, was accompanied by a wave of reforms, which resulted in a reduction of worker protection measures. The absence of state intervention, resulting from extreme neoliberalism, did nothing to improve the increasingly worsening position of labor during this crucial period, Thus, even from the point of the dominant neoclassical theory, there is a significant  "unorthodox" decline in the share of labor, in favor of capital. This unfavorable consequence for workers is first and foremost due to globalization, which has forced the workers of advanced economies to compete with much lower wage rates for workers in developing countries.

(cc) Other adverse economic consequences of globalization
I will complete this paragraph with the adverse economic consequences of globalization in the evolution of advanced economies, with reference to:

* The unbridled operation of the stock market, confirmed by a relevant IMF report, based on empirical research in 149 countries, for the period 1970-2010 (Furceri and Lungari). The stock market recorded an increase of 150 times that of real figures in the period 1992-2007 (Le crack) as the rich do not invest in the real economy but either hoard their profits or invest them in the stock market seeking fast and easy profits (Dolan).

* More than double the tax burden on income, in relation to that on business profits (6).

* The generalized application of austerity policy (7).

* The tolerance or ineffective regulation of tax havens, estimated to hold about half of the world's liquidity. The latter is estimated at about $ 230 trillion, or about three times the world's GDP (Rocard b).

* The government's abstention from the implementation of redistributive policies (Negreponti-Delivanis 1977), progressive taxes and the welfare state (Krugman), and  from the pursuit of a full employment policy.

*Weakening competition and the rise of monopolies, with the tolerance of giant businesses, who usually do not pay taxes and, in general, do not respect the laws of capitalism. Indicatively, Apple holds 62% of the US market, while American Express, Master Card and Visa plastic cards account for 95% of the U.S market (Foulis), with profits of 76% above average for the last 50 years. The weakening competition in the US since 1990 is due to the fact that two-thirds of industrial firms have accumulated in cartels, which also represents a significant factor in increasing the inequality of distribution (Business)

* A frantic privatization race, starting with the demotion of the public sector and the abolishment of the interventionist role of the state, in the belief that the existence of the invisible hand is supposedly able to regulate everything.

b) Non-economic consequences
In this paragraph, I will briefly look at some of the negative social and national consequences of globalization:
* Social
One of the most dangerous consequences of globalization, social in principle, but with wider implications for the economy and the functioning of institutions, is the decimation of the middle class (Birdsall). Unfortunately, this is a troubling development, not only for advanced but for some developing economies as well. Maintaining or creating a middle class requires a daily income of at least $10 per capita, so that its members are positioned approximately in the middle of the distribution of income, able to plan their future and cope with conjunctural short-comings such as loss of employment, health problems or the bankruptcy of a small business without having to radically change their lifestyle. The importance of the middle class for the economy lies in the fact that it possesses all the specializations  decisive for growth and also encourages the basic economic propensities, but more importantly, that its members show a steady preference for domestic goods and services that promote growth. I will indicatively mention the case of America, which witnessed the prevalence of the middle class for the last time in 2015, against the two extremes: poor and wealthy households. The two extremes accounted for 121.3 thousand households in 2015, while the middle class represented only 120.8 accordingly (Pew Research Center). Another relevant study in 2016 concerning the EU economies finds that between mid-1980s and mid-1990s, the middle class suffered a sharp decline, directly linked to the explosion of income distribution inequalities over the same period (ILO).

c) Institutional / Ideological
aa) The abolishment of the Nation-State and national borders
Since the 1970s, a shift (Huntington) towards globalization which started in America and then expanded around the globe, gradually weakened the American values ​​and  identity, while strengthening the race and culture of other nationalities. These actions, on the part of national leaders are unprecedented, according to Samuel Huntington, in the history of mankind. One cannot imagine how they agreed to surrender the sovereignty of their own country to other larger associations. More specifically,  without officially abolishing the importance of national borders, globalization has significantly downgraded their importance, giving priority to global rather than local factors. The weakening of national borders resulted in friction and instability. The nation-state prioritizes the service to citizens whose interests are paramount, contrary to globalization, as well as to the EU, whose interests are considered to be superior. The peoples are deeply confused when they implement policies that will certainly destroy them, such as never ending austerity, the acceptance of unregulated immigration and the abandonment of national sovereignty and national consciousness, history and tradition. All in all, the abolishment of the national identity of the individual nation-states.

bb) Democracy receding
Liberal democracy no longer prevails in advanced economies as was generally  the case in the past. Note that democracy was nowhere applied according to the specifications of ancient Greeks, as it appears to be contrary to human nature and is recognized as a property of the Gods (Bradatan). However, beyond this general observation, it is certain today that authoritarianism is constantly gaining ground all over the world. For 13 years, Freedom House, a non-profit American organization, founded in 1941, has been observing leaks in the degree of dominance of the democratic system, which have recently been witnessed in the case of America (Goldberg). As I have already stressed in the introduction to this article, globalization has led to chain effects, all of which have the same origin. Concerning in particular the  way a country is governed, a strong middle class of around 30% of the population, secures an adequate democratic governance which significantly restricts the privileges of the extremely wealthy. However, the maintenance, expansion and development of the middle class requires continuous progress rather than stagnation, which unfortunately has been the rule over the last few years and is expected to continue for the coming years, primarily in the advanced economies of the West. Furthermore, democracy is incompatible with the existence of extreme inequality of distribution. Let me sum up the multifaceted aspects of the retreat of democracy as follows (Robert): "Because of the fantastic disorientation of our modern democracies, voters are no longer those who choose and direct the elected, but the decision makers who judge the citizens."

cc) The problem of immigration
One of the most serious problems which Europe has to deal with, although unsuccessfully, which is already dividing it, which is manifested in many aspects and  is at the root of the creation of political parties which are difficult to classify as extremer right or far left, is the refugee /immigration one. Unregulated hordes of refugees / immigrants are constantly flowing from the Middle East, Africa and South Asia through the Mediterranean to Europe. For the years 2014, 2015 and 2016 it is estimated that this inflow amounted to around one and a half million people.

The combination of an aging population and a decreasing birth rate in Europe with unbridled migratory flows lead to findings that predict its disappearance. Please note the following (Meotti): The European population decreases by about two million per year, and is constantly being replaced by a migrant population. This substitution is described as follows (Coleman): "The suicidal decline in European birth rates, combined with rapidly growing immigrants, will change European culture." The decline in birth rates of native Europeans coincides in fact with the institutionalization of Islam in Europe and the renewal of  Islamization of its Muslims". According to estimates (United Nations), about 250 million people live and work outside the country where they were born, of which about 78 million in Europe.

The wrath of the many losers, who for fifty years remained on the sidelines of the advantages of the international economic order, exploded against globalization and brought populism to the forefront of populist parties that gradually flood the world. Globalization has emerged as the main responsible for the peaking inequality of income and wealth distribution that haunts the world. These right-wing and left-wing populist and hybrid parties coincide in a number of common choices, such as anti-globalization, nationalism, state interventionism, prosperity, enslaved democracy, and opposition to the stock market.

Part II. The take off of China and its escort

Globalization together with its unsuccessful economic choices and consequences, has greatly weakened the West. The most dangerous of its consequences is undoubtedly the inequality of distribution and wealth, which was analyzed in Part I of this article. It is particularly important to note that, contrary to the chronic neoliberal beliefs that distribution inequalities supposedly favor growth, recent studies prove the incorrect foundation of these views and explain why the problem of inequality has been addressed to date, only as a social one instead of the economic problem which it mainly is. In particular, according to a recent report (FMI), when the richest 20% of the population increases its income by 1%, growth rates fall by 0.08% in the next five years, while a 1% increase in the income of the poorest 20% of the population increases growth by 0.38% over the next five years. Similar are the findings of a recent report (OCDE), which argues that rising inequality in the period 1990-2010 has led to a 4.7% decline in growth in its member countries.

In this Part II, I will first examine China's economic growth and secondly the importance of new Chinese globalization, known as the silk road, for the development of the least developed economies.

A. China in the process of succeeding the US in world domination
During the 2008 crisis, China was able to take advantage of all the errors of the West in all areas, in the most effective way. The long term diminishing Western participation and the rapid growth of emerging economies is now indisputable and leaves no room for hope for a possible shift of this trend over time. More specifically, in 1955, the G7's share in global GDP was 45%. By 2018, it had fallen to 31% and is expected to drop to 20% in 2050. The share of emerging economies in global GDP is following the opposite trend. In particular, it was 22% in 1995, reaching 36.3% in 2015 and expected to rise to 50% in 2050. That is, a complete overthrow of the prevailing international economic order with China at the forefront.
This weakening of the West, due to its own bad choices, represents an addition to the inevitable phenomenon of the rotation of civilizations, which is usually combined with changes in international sovereignty, and has brought China to the fore. Furthermore, some of the emerging economies have risen on a secondary level, participating in the fast race for growth and going faster than the mature economies of the West. Thus, globalization, while bringing about dramatic changes in the West, in the 1970s was, at the same time, the great opportunity for China, and not only. Until a few years ago, China was a poor, marginalized economy with very limited participation in international trade. Based on historical data (Maddison), in 1950 China was the poorest economy in the world with a per capita income 20 times lower than that of America. In 2010 China's GDP per capita was only four times lower than that of America. In 2016 only three times lower than America. And in just four decades, China is already targeting world leadership, threatening the United States, which has been at the top of the world since the end of the Second World War, to this day. This miracle, which has no precedent in world economic history, has been achieved with an increase in Chinese GDP by 34 times over the period 1971-2013. This economic miracle took place thanks to China's dynamic entry in  the international markets in 1979, to the significant and well-chosen reforms rapidly realized and obviously to the fact that, through hard work,  it managed to achieve a yearly average growth rate of its economy equal to 10% in 2016, in spite of the unfavorable influence of the second major economic crisis in 2008. The World Bank estimates that in the period 1981-2010, China managed to save 679 million citizens from absolute poverty and simultaneously impose itself as a great power. The absolute poverty rate in China was 88% in 1981 and only 6.5% in 2012 (World Bank). While, the main consequence of globalization for the West was, the peaking of inequalities of all kinds as shown in Part I, it resulted in closing the income gap  between the wealthy countries of the West and the poor countries of Asia, especially China, as approximately one billion Chinese people gain about $ 5 a day thanks to globalization. This development is very positive for the preparation of the development process of developing economies.
The driving force behind the Chinese miracle is China's great ability to efficiently apply already known technologies, the rapid shift of a significant part of its rural population to industry, the high and long-term accumulation of capital, significant foreign direct investment, an efficient public sector, the successful combination of communism and capitalism, its well-thought-out interventions concerning the external value of its currency, expansionary monetary policy, the rapid development of a strong middle class (Chinese Society), alas combined with the restriction of civil liberties with the choice of an enslaved democracy.
The awakening of the West came with great delay. For a long time, the West rested assured that China was developing low / insignificant technology sectors. Then suddenly, with its "Made in China 2025" program, the West realized it was in great and immediate danger. The reaction of the West was to accuse China of "stealing technologies", of "failing to observe the rules of international trade", of "providing excessive protection to its major industries" and of "raising obstacles to the establishment of western enterprises on its territory". However, everything seems to argue that "it is too late for the tears of the West".
B. The Chinese Model of International Relations
Globalization has been the great opportunity, not only for China, but also for many developing economies of Asia, Africa and the Balkans, through China. In particular, thanks to China's choices, diametrically different from those of the United States, wide developmental horizons are opening for the world's least developed economies, reviving the Marshall Plan, which saved the West after the Second World War.

Unlike the US, whose relationship with the economies it works with is competitive, for China this model is immoral (Mottet), leading it to build a model with totally different specifications, which somehow establishes the Chinese globalization, and contains some inevitable elements of imperialism. It is not just about accepting an "open border" system, but rather about "properly managing open borders". Through this globalization, the economies of the partner countries will be linked to China, somehow dependent on it, but they will cooperate rather than compete. China will regulate the terms of trade and establish a harmonious hierarchy in its relations with other countries. China's intention is to reorganize Asia on the basis of a system of political and economic cooperation based on local development and implemented with the help of Chinese investments. China's opening-up to free trade is achieved through strong protection for its businesses, which enjoy high subsidies. China does not apply a regime of free competition, but on the contrary, follows F. List's promptings for the need to protect its new industries, while seeking combinations of various, even controversial, systems.




C. The Great Growth Opportunity for Least Developed Economies

a) Chinese globalization
    
At the time when, according to all relevant indications, traditional globalization is bidding us goodbye, another form of globalization is emerging, with unprecedented standards. It is Chinese globalization (Perlez and Huang), known as "One Zone, One Road", aspiring to "design the world" around a new international economic order with China at the core. It is a "new Marshall plan", as described by the Chinese leader of Xi Jinping (Laos); a globalization that is also combined with protectionism and whose content has been designed as to favor metropolitan China. Chinese globalization is reviving the "silk road", which was the main trade link between the West and the East 2000 years ago, and was abandoned when the economic conditions made the cost of handling products prohibitive. New, modern technologies have now restored the potential for economic exploitation of this road.  The feverish activities of this Chinese globalization are definitely the most important event, which is expected to soon radically transform the nature of the world. With a budget of trillions of dollars, China has been providing loans to an increasing number of developing economies for the development of infrastructure projects. Its ambitious program  includes plans for the construction of railway lines, harbors, roads, electric generators, tunnels, bridges, etc. that will improve the quality of life of the citizens in many developing countries of the world. China is convinced that its policy will ensure growth and progress for the world. This program aims at exploiting, to the greatest possible extent, the strategic advantage of each country participating in it. China is increasing its influence on Africa, Asia and Europe by offering billions of dollars for infrastructure projects. The people of the developing countries are willing to follow China’s lead, as they hope that the help and favorable loans offered by China will not be subject to the harsh conditions of the West. This is the reason why Westerners have begun to worry about China's unbridled expansive aspirations and accusing her at times for  burdening the developing economies, especially Africa, with unsustainable loans that they will be unable to repay. Although China does not publish detailed data on overseas lending, an expert study concludes that the above accusations do not correspond to the truth (Brautigan). The opposite conclusion would be absurd, as China's main goal is to secure new markets for its products. Numerous indications seem to testify that Africa's time for development has come, attracting the interest of the world as a whole, including 10,000 Chinese companies, while 320 embassies or consulates have opened in the period 2010-2016 in the Black Continent. The West is virtually absent from this cosmogony. The large infrastructure requirements of many countries linked to the new "silk road" amount to $ 1.7 trillion per year. Alongside the silk road running on the ground and through the sea, Xi Jinping is planning the "silk road on ice". Although not close enough to it, China's ambitious project of the “New Silk Road” includes the Arctic. Thus, China is planning to build ports there, as well as the necessary infrastructure projects to make navigation there easier, especially now with the ice melting.

The construction, of huge infrastructure projects all over the world, even with losses for China, connects in a unique way the problem of over-production of Chinese products, such as steel, aluminum, cement and others, with global Chinese sovereignty, as well as with the development of less developed economies. Let me also add coal, whose use but not production is being limited, with the prospect of abolishing it in China. The latter is being channeled to Kenya, where electric power  plants are being built at China's expense to meet the country’s rising demand for electricity (Sengupta'). China, whose growth rate is slowing down, is no longer able to absorb these and other products and is seeking other ways of exploiting them. The Chinese president compares the "2.0 globalization" plan, to the Marshall plan, which helped rebuild post-war Europe, and through which America acquired allies in Europe, and was imposed as the world's first power.

b) The objectives of Chinese globalization promise the development of the least developed economies
The main objective of the new silk road is to promote exports of Chinese industrial products, which is ensured by the gradual development of developing economies.
 With the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in 2013, China, seemingly indifferent to losses incurred and inflation, is creating a growing demand for its products thanks to the provision of significant loans in three continents. This is possible thanks to the State urging households, to deposit their savings into banks, which in turn provide loans at very low interest rates, both domestically and abroad. The transfer of savings, from households to enterprises, rose to $4.5 trillion in 2015.
China is thus following a strong Keynesian policy with brilliant results, contrary to the austerity policy adopted by the West (particularly the EU) with extremely disappointing results. Thus, although not said in so many words, the biggest ambition of “The Zone and Road Initiative” is to turn the Eurasian region into an economic and strategic region that will compete - and ultimately overcome - the Euro-Atlantic side. Obviously everything will revolve around China. This ultimate goal will be realized by boosting China's trade with Africa, Eurasia, the Middle East, Europe and Asia. Furthermore, the regime under which China is planning to achieve world domination seems to impose a peculiar globalization. The latter is predicted to combine free trade with aid to developing economies, which will however retain their national sovereignty (Cohen). Over the last decade, China has helped finance 600 study plans in 112 countries, spending billions of dollars in grants, loans and investments, all related to the Silk Road. The size of China, as well as its prospects are so important that everyone is trying to be in good relations with her.
Twenty Chinese cities are now directly linked to Europe by rail, and the amount of cargo shipped there has risen fivefold since 2013, as routes such as Cheddus - Prague and Wen-Lyon are being established. China is also interested in Europe and the Balkans for selling large quantities of its products. Investments to Europe, and primarily to Germany, have multiplied tenfold over the last ten years and are estimated at $10 billion (Charrel), mainly driven by infrastructure projects. China intends to build the fastest road between China and the Balkans, with a motorway starting in Belgrade-Nis (Serbia) -Pristina Kosovo) -Dirrachio (Albania). This highway will complete the construction of the Budapest-Belgrade railway line in order to connect the port of Piraeus to central and eastern Europe through Serbia. These are less developed economies compared to the western European ones. The Chinese are also reaching out to eleven EU member states and five Balkan countries (Papageorgiou) which are co-operating with and funded by China. These are: Hungary, Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, Poland, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Albania, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Estonia. Italy should also be added to the latter, a member of the G7, which recently concluded large-scale agreements with China, causing great concern in Europe and the whole of the West. China argues that it will build a new globalization, with a long rather than short-term perspective, based on state investment, across the globe.
The West, among other, blames China for having an enslaved democracy that severely restricts the freedom and individual rights of its citizens. China not only does not deny the existence of significant differences between its political regime and the prevailing western one, but also laughs at the way in which the West elects its governments. Xi Jinping argues that the way the government is elected does not matter, as long as it is effective. It is definitely certain that countries with populist governments prove to be effective in both the economic and educational spheres. In fact, out of the 15 world economies witnessing the fastest growth rates, 2/3 have populist governments. Of the 250 best universities in the world, 16 belong to countries with populist governance.
Conclusion

It is impossible to assess whether the unfortunate choices of the West accelerated the end of its world sovereignty, but it is certain that this would have happened anyway. The very positive development of these global power shifts is the opening perspective for rapid growth of the least developed economies. The question is of course, whether Western reactions to the loss of sovereignty will hinder the development of the developing economies for a while. The trade war, which is both a technological as well as a cold war and whose ultimate goal is to slow down China's development, should be considered extremely dangerous. This is not only because the goals and the means used constantly vary, but mainly because one cannot rule out the possibility that it may lead to war between the two superpowers, confirming the well known Thucydides syndrome. In any case, Donald Trump's foreign policy label, "America First", will most likely delay the succession to the top of the world.

If, the war is ultimately avoided, the predicted developments are as mentioned in the main body of the present article. For quite some time, there will be two globalizations in the world: the receding traditional one and the rising Chinese. This duality will be maintained until China prevails as the undisputed queen of the world, flanked by a large number of emerging and developing economies.



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Notes
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(1) Although the US economy is evolving in a more satisfactory way compared to Europe, because it did not follow the extreme neoconservative monetary policy, there are still valid reasons for concern about its near and distant future. The difficulties facing the US economy are also evidenced by the need for frequent revisions to growth forecasts, as has been the case recently, with Goldman Sash reducing its initial rate from 4.1% in 2019 to 3.2% (Tankerslay).
(2) That is considered normal, ie 2/3 the share of labor and 1/3 that of capital
(3) The Federal Reserve figures are about the same: a decade ago, wages as a share in US GDP were 70 and now only 61. The very large difference was channeled towards the profits of the very rich.
 (4) March 2008
(5) Commission Eurpéenne
(6) The highest tax on returns on investment amounts to 20%, while the highest tax on income amounts to 39.6%
(7) The Second UN Special Report on Greece concludes that austerity is contrary to human rights
(8) Not different from similar trends in other advanced economies


The consequences of the new international economic order on developing countries Plattsburgh, 30/08-02/09 Maria Negreponti-Delivanis The consequences of the new international economic order on developing countries  Plattsburgh, 30/08-02/09     Maria Negreponti-Delivanis   Reviewed by Μαρία Νεγρεπόντη - Δελιβάνη on Αυγούστου 22, 2019 Rating: 5

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